By RACHEL DONADIO
ATHENS — Can a memory stick bring down a political order? That is the question in Greece,
where a tragicomic debate over what became of a list of nearly 2,000
Greeks with Swiss bank accounts is rapidly turning into a full-blown
political crisis that is imperiling Greece’s fragile coalition
government at a crucial time.
As the coalition government of Prime Minister Antonis Samaras
struggles to agree on a package of austerity measures to secure the
foreign financing the country needs to stay afloat — and ahead of the
first visit to Athens by Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany since the
debt crisis began, expected on Tuesday — the corruption investigations
are seen less as a belated housekeeping effort than as a gloves-off
fight, with politicians breaking allegiances in a destabilizing climate
of suspicion and even
blackmail.
“What we see unfolding in the political system is a tragedy with
elements of low comedy,” said Pantelis Boukalas, a columnist for the
newspaper Kathimerini.
Today, the same people singled out in the investigations are in the
parties that form the pillars of Mr. Samaras’s government — a government
blessed and supported by European leaders — and it remains to be seen
how much self-examination, let alone how many criminal charges, it will
take before the entire structure collapses.
As the investigations gain momentum, the relationship between the
Socialists and New Democracy, Mr. Samaras’s party, “is that of the
scorpion and the frog,” Mr. Boukalas said.
“It’s in their nature for one to sting the other until they sink together,” he said.
“They might be forced allies now, but each other’s value is based on the
devaluation of the other,” he added. “However, if the Socialists
completely fall apart, there goes the government; New Democracy and
Democratic Left alone cannot hold it together,” referring to a smaller
third party in the coalition.
The investigations have also revealed the close ties between Greece’s
political establishment and its oligarchs and business elite. There is
growing public outrage that no Greek government wanted to touch the
infamous list of 1,991 Greeks with accounts at a branch of the global
bank HSBC in Geneva that the French government gave Greece in 2010 to
crack down on tax evasion.
After Finance Minister Yannis Stournaras told The Financial Times
last month that the list appeared to have gone missing in the Finance
Ministry, one of his predecessors, George Papaconstantinou, gave an
interview on Greek television saying that he had received the list in
late 2010 from Christine Lagarde, then the French finance minister and
now the managing director of the International Monetary Fund. He said he
had given a handful of names from the list to the chief of Greece’s
financial crimes unit in early 2011 and the full list to that official’s
successor, Ioannis Diotis, in June of that year.
Speaking to Parliament’s ethics committee last week, Mr. Diotis said he
had received a memory stick with the names from Mr. Papaconstantinou in
June 2011, the month that the finance minister left office. The
financial crimes investigator said that he had passed the list to Mr.
Papaconstantinou’s successor, Evangelos Venizelos, the current Socialist
leader, but that Mr. Venizelos had not instructed him to investigate
it.
Mr. Diotis also suggested to the parliamentary committee that the list
appeared to have been obtained illegally and might not have been usable
as the basis for an investigation.
On Monday, the committee said it would summon the current and three former finance ministers to testify about the list.
In a television interview last week, a furious Mr. Venizelos said he had
handed the memory stick to Mr. Samaras when he realized that no
investigative agencies had a copy. On Monday, he said he had never
received the list from Mr. Papaconstantinou.
Beyond the memory stick’s contents, the claims and counterclaims reveal a
poisonous atmosphere in which party members no longer support one
another.
“It is a difficult period, the most difficult we’ve had since the war,
and you find very few exemplary figures in public life,” said Thanos
Veremis, a professor and a co-author of a history of modern Greece.
“There’s also fear — fear that they will be accused of this, that or the
other — so they behave accordingly.”
That much was clear last month when the Greek news media published a
list of 36 politicians who were ostensibly under investigation on
corruption charges. It included the speaker of Parliament, who
temporarily stepped down on Sept. 24, and several former ministers and
mayors. It was also believed to include Leonidas Tzanis, 57, a Socialist
politician and former deputy minister. Mr. Tzanis’s wife found him dead
in the basement of their house, where he had apparently hanged himself
on Thursday, days before he was expected to testify to the authorities,
the Greek news media reported.
Greece’s financial crimes unit has not confirmed the existence of the
list but has not denied that it is investigating politicians for
corruption. It did not respond to requests for comment.
In a separate investigation, the authorities are examining a list of
54,000 people who transferred nearly $29 billion abroad since 2009 and,
in 15,000 cases, declared an income significantly smaller than the
amount found in the foreign accounts.
After 40 years in which the Socialists and New Democracy alternated rule
before seeing their traditional support drop by half, punished by
austerity-weary voters in elections last spring, analysts said the
investigations could easily turn into the kind of bribery scandal that
brought down Italy’s political establishment in the early 1990s, leaving
a vacuum eventually filled by Silvio Berlusconi.
But in Greece, it remains to be seen what new political forces might
emerge from the remnants of the mainstream parties. The political
landscape has already been radically transformed by the debt crisis and
three years of austerity, during which the gross domestic product has
dropped 25 percent and unemployment has hit 50 percent for young people
and 25 percent over all.
In last spring’s elections, the neo-Nazi party, Golden Dawn, a growing antipolitical force that preys on fears of illegal immigration
and has accused the mainstream parties of corruption, earned seats in
Parliament. Last week during a parliamentary session, members of Golden
Dawn shouted at their Socialist colleagues, calling them thieves who had stolen from the country for 20 years.
The main opposition party, the leftist Syriza, whose members range from
unreconstructed Maoists to mainstream European social democrats, is
finding its footing after placing second in the elections.
Mr. Boukalas, the political columnist, said that Greek politicians
accused of corruption used to stay out of the public eye for a time
before re-emerging, wagging their fingers at others as a way to “regain
their virginity.” With the old leadership in disarray, that strategy no
longer worked, he said.
“There is this lake in Argos where Hera would take a swim after every
copulation session with Zeus, so she would always be a virgin,” Mr.
Boukalas said. “Our politicians are out of luck because this lake
doesn’t exist anymore. It was dried up in a public works project.”
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