By JAMES K. GALBRAITH and YANIS VAROUFAKIS
ATHENS — THE sudden closure of Greece’s
state television and radio network, the Hellenic Broadcasting
Corporation, known as ERT, on June 11 has led to a political drama. The
network’s journalists and staff have occupied ERT buildings, and large
crowds have gathered to show support. With transmitters dark,
broadcasting resumed over the Internet, and soon stations all over
Europe picked up the feeds. Overnight, a state-run organization that had
long been reviled for corruption and cronyism became the voice of a
democratic resistance.
The crisis could also take down the Greek government and bring the
left-wing opposition to power. This wouldn’t be a bad thing for Europe
or the United States. The policies currently imposed upon Europe’s
periphery are worsening the crisis, threatening Europe’s integrity and
jeopardizing growth. A Greek government that rejects these
self-defeating policies will do more help than harm.
We traveled to Thessaloniki on June 12, the day after ERT was closed,
for a scheduled interview at ET3, a local ERT station. Our interview
never happened because the channel had ceased broadcasting hours before.
But at the offices, we ran into Alexis Tsipras, head of the opposition
party Syriza, which narrowly lost Greece’s national election last June.
Mr. Tsipras is now running a campaign to reinstate ERT as a potentially
independent broadcaster. Having greeted the occupiers, Mr. Tsipras
walked with us to a nearby hall for an economic discussion that had
acquired, suddenly, an audience of over 2,000 people.
Greece’s prime minister, Antonis Samaras, closed ERT to meet European
demands for public-sector cuts. If his coalition partners don’t fall in
line, there will be new elections in which they will be destroyed. But
Mr. Samaras may have overreached.
Despite its flaws, ERT is the only mass forum for public discourse that
Greeks have; closing it took all noncommercial political discourse and
local news off the air. Now, the government has turned a murky debate
over austerity, confidence and credit markets into an open fight over
democracy and national independence. In that fight, Syriza stands as the
alternative, and Mr. Tsipras now has a
chance of becoming prime
minister.
If he succeeds, nothing vital would change for the United States. Syriza
doesn’t intend to leave NATO or close American military bases. Of
course, American complicity in the Greek dictatorship of 1967 to 1974
hasn’t been forgotten, and any Greek government will naturally disagree
with the United States, to a degree, over the Middle East. But the fact
is, Greece’s problem today is with Europe, and Mr. Tsipras doesn’t want
to pick a fight with Washington.
The global financial sector would view a Syriza victory with horror. But
banks and hedge funds know that most Greek debt is held by European
taxpayers and by the European Central Bank, and what’s left is being
snapped up by investors because they know it will be paid. Big Finance
is worried about what may happen elsewhere if a left-wing party wins in
Greece. This instinct is natural for bankers. But for the American
government to adopt the same fear-driven stance would be strategically
shortsighted.
Indeed, right now, Syriza may be Europe’s best hope. Greeks neither want
to leave the euro nor see the euro zone disintegrate, an eventuality
likely to bring down the European Union. They also know that Europe’s
approach to the crisis, involving increasingly harsh austerity and
larger loans, has failed miserably.
If these policies don’t change, the total collapse of the Greek economy
is imminent. The basic requirements for reform could be met within
existing European treaties. They include a mutualization of servicing
sovereign debt to be mediated by the E.C.B.; restructuring of the
European banks by a European Stability Mechanism turned into a kind of
European equivalent of America’s post-crisis Troubled Asset Relief
Program; an investment and jobs program; and a Europe-wide initiative to
meet the social and human crisis by strengthening unemployment
insurance, basic pensions, deposit insurance and core public
institutions like education and health.
Syriza plans to fight both rising hunger and a xenophobic neo-Nazi
party, Golden Dawn, with school lunches and food stamps. A Syriza
government would seek these reforms and the salvation of the European
project. And this can be only a good thing for the United States.
An unlikely campaign to change the flawed policies that govern the
European Union has begun in Greece, a small, proud country that has, in
the past, given quite a few ideas to the world — including one, people’s
government, that we like to call by its Greek name.
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